ABSTRACT
This analysis will focus strongly upon the topic of “yo-momma humor,†applying a cognitive linguistic approach to determine both the humorous and non-humorous properties of formulaic insult humor when used in states of conflict. The television program, Yo Momma, was analyzed for the sake of discussion and a collection of jokes which exemplify the yo-momma form were gathered. Through an examination of these jokes, as well as an investigation of modern humor theories (incongruity theories, conflict theories, and relief theories), this paper will attempt to answer the question, “Why are yo-momma jokes humorous?†The results of this analysis should lead to a greater understanding of linguistic humor, and should determine the effects of divergence on language.
INTRODUCTION
What is funny? If you were to ask a group of people on the street this question, you would likely hear a variety of answersâ€â€one liners, dirty jokes, good stories, slapstick movies, goofy babies, and possibly even anti-humor, which prides itself in being the opposite of funny. Chances are that the things that one person finds humorous are unique to them, and that someone else, despite the shared forms of humor, would have difficulty relating completely to the other individual. The question becomes then not “what is funny?†but rather “what is humor?†What is the element that makes anything, on a basic scale, worth laughter?
What is humor?
According to Bergen & Binsted (2003), it is this particular question that causes humor to be held amongst the most intriguing and least understood of our cognitive capabilities. Attardo (1994) attempts to answer the question by examining a historical yet philosophical perspective. First looking at the Greeks, he states that Plato (427-347 BC) believed humor to be a “mixed feeling of the soul†(Piddington, 1933), for example, a mixture of pleasure and pain that causes laughter through overwhelmingâ€â€an idea that Plato condemned absolutely. Aristotle (384-322 BC) disagreed with this claim, condemning only the excess of laughter and stating that the humor found within comedy can be seen as a “stimulation†of the soul that puts the listener into a state of good will. It is within the works of Aristotle that humor is given a purpose, and that purpose is to create a relaxing mood despite the argument presented by a speaker.
Attardo (1994) goes on to make claims about the Greek influence on Roman humor theory, mentioning the works of multiple Latin philosophers. Primarily, he quotes the works of Cicero (106-43 BC) who “introduce[d] the distinction between verbal and referential humor,†explaining that jokes can be “about what is said†(dicto) or about “the thing†(re). Cicero’s claims implied that humor was not only an element of comedy, but a conscious act performed by a speaker through a variety of different methods. Attardo (1994) lists the following genres of humor assumed by the Roman thinker:
“[Cicero] elaborates his taxonomy by stipulating that referential humor (in re) includes anecdotes (fabella) and caricature (imitatio). Verbal humor includes ambiguity (ambigua), paronomasia (parvam verbi immutationem), false etymologies (interpretatio nominis), proverbs, literal interpretation of figurative expressions (ad verbum non ad sententiam rem accipere) , allegory, metaphors, and antiphrasis or irony (ex inversione verborum).â€Â
Years later, Quintilian (35 – 100 AD) introduced a definition of humor that dealt with three subjects: (1) plays at others, (2) plays at ourselves, and (3) a middle category which involved neither ourselves nor others. Within this third kind (the neutral category), Quintilian implied that words or phrases could be interpreted in multiple ways, hinting at the modern linguistic ideas of both polysemy and ambiguity. Claims were also made about using language to state differently what was right and true, similar to the current ideas of Raskin (1985), who categorizes humor as real/unreal, normal/abnormal, and possible/impossible. Attardo (1994) assumes that what Quintilian referred to as right and true were closely related to the ideas of real and normal. It is here that one realizes that the study of humor on a scholarly level existed long before any formal linguistic analysis, as philosophers attempted to understand the humorous quality of their own work. And while this is by no means a full historical account, Attardo (1994) ends by taking note of the Middle Ages, in which linguistic theories of humor were rarely discussed, and the study of communication seemed to fade away.
Fortunately for the current linguist, in considering the various theories of humor that have been offered in the past, as well as the present-day understanding that humor is a conscious communicative effort, the subject has been reborn through cognitive linguistics. And while various forms of notable linguistic humor do exist, and have existed for some time, this paper will focus primarily upon a variation of formulaic insults by the name of “yo-momma humor.†The general structure and linguistic qualities of these jokes will be discussed in the following section.
Yo-momma jokes
Yo-momma humor is a form of linguistic humor that references a maternal figure through the use of phrases such as “your mother†or “yo momma†in an attempt to insult the target by way of their family. Frequently used when “playing the Dozens†(Abrahams, 1962), various insults concerning obesity, age, race, intelligence, unattractiveness, poverty, and many other topics are implemented to create the hilarity of a particular “snap,†or joke. The Dozens, according to Cole (1974), is a spoken word game, common among African-American communities, where participants insult each other until one concedes. Typically, the game is played in front of an audience of one’s peers, who encourage the participants to reply with more offensive insults so as to increase the tension and humor of the play. Also referred to as “sounding,†“sigging,†“wolfing,†or “joning,†the Dozens serves as an important part in the linguistic and psychosocial development of African-American youths (Abrahams, 1962). The most prominent linguistic features include (1) the reliance upon formulaic patterns, which will be discussed later in terms of syntax, (2) the use of rhyme within these patterns, and (3) the change of speech rhythms from natural ones to ones that show differences of pitch, stress, and syntax. Some examples of yo-momma humor, collected through personal experience, are shown in (1) below:
(1) (a) Yo momma so fat when her beeper goes off, people think she’s backing up.
(b) Yo momma so stupid it took her 2 hours to watch 60 Minutes.
Within (1), the formula is immediately evident. An entity (yo momma) is described in the first clause as possessing a great deal of some property. The first clause is then followed by a second clause that provides the punch line (Bergen & Binsted, 2003). In (1a), the mother is described as possessing a great deal of weight within the first clause. The second clause references the fact that a beeper sounds similar to the sound that a large vehicle would make when in reverse. When the two clauses are read in conjunction with one another, the joke suggests that the mother is so hefty that she is comparable to the size of a large vehicle, causing other people to believe that when her beeper is going off, she is backing up like a truck might. In (1b), the mother is described as possessing a great deal of stupidity, or a lack of intelligence. The second clause implies that 60 Minutes is a show that should only take an hour to complete; however, the subject takes two hours to finish the episode. When the phrases are read together, the joke suggests that the mother is so unintelligent that she cannot even adhere to the unchanging, temporal restrictions that have been placed upon a television program. While both (1a) and (1b) are highly absurd and impossible, the jokes employ the use of imagery to create a situation that many would find humorous.
A more in-depth discussion will take place in the Data and Discussion section of this paper in an attempt to discover which specific elements of humor elicit laughter, and which do not.
METHODOLOGY
For the sake of determining which elements make yo-momma humor funny, a collection of jokes was gathered from the MTV reality show, Yo Momma (Valderrama, 2006)â€â€an American reality television game show from 2006, based upon the black urban tradition of insulting one's mother. This unscripted comedy competition series puts individuals up against each other in a battle for $1,000 in cash and a chance to advance to the final tournament. Participants are allowed the opportunity to investigate the life of their competitor’s mother, in order to enhance the quality of their jokes. They are then brought together and exchange yo-momma jokes in attempt to thwart each other. Five episodes were observed, and thirty-four yo-momma jokes that displayed the “X is so Y that Z†construction were then transcribed. All jokes pertaining to characteristics of the opposing player were omitted in an attempt to focus strictly on yo-momma humor, and not all jokes are included in the discussion. For a complete list of jokes used to form conclusions, see the Appendix section.
The purpose of this research project was to analyze and determine the humorous properties of yo-momma jokes. In order to gather this data, the jokes were subjectively rated based on audience reaction. Jokes received either a “successful,†“average,†or “unsuccessful†rating. Those which received sustained, loud laughter were given a rating of “successful.†Those which received booing or very few responses were given a rating of “unsuccessful.†Those which received little laughter and were followed quickly by an opposing joke were given a rating of “average.†For the sake of discussion, the “successful†and “unsuccessful†jokes were closely examined, as well as various jokes gathered through personal experience.
DATA AND DISCUSSION
This section will deal primarily with the question of “Why are yo-momma jokes humorous?†and will be divided into two parts. The first will attempt to explain yo-momma humor from a linguistic perspective, discussing the general categories of linguistics (syntax, morpho-phonological changes, pragmatics, and semantics), the humorous and non-humorous qualities used within MTV’s Yo Momma, and the patterns that exist within moments of conflict. The second part will attempt to answer the question from a theoretical perspective, discussing modern incongruity theories, conflict theories, and relief theories.
I. Linguistic Perspective
Syntax
Considered a variant of scalar humor, yo-momma jokes make use of the following syntactic structure, with some alternate forms: X is so Y that Z. Within yo-momma humor, the X quality of the construction always pertains to yo mommaâ€â€an African American dialect (AAE) form of the Standard American English your motherâ€â€or various other referential devices, such as his mom or this dude’s momma, when addressing a crowd; the Y quality involves a negative characteristic such as poor, lazy, fat, stupid, etc.; the final Z quality is the varying component of the joke, offering the greatest source of humor. Many of the jokes, due to the strong use of AAE, lack various aspects of the standard English structure through the omission of morphemes such as is and that. However, the structure is still present, as seen in (1a). Yo momma signifies the X quality; fat seems to be the Y quality; and it took her two hours to watch 60 Minutes represents the Z quality.
As mentioned when discussing the initial structure, some variations of the “X is so Y that Z†formula do exist, as seen in a joke told by a participant of Yo Momma:
(2) Yo momma’s like Geico, she’s so easy a caveman could do her.
Rather than existing separately as its own sentence, the formula appears after the clause yo momma’s like Geico, which is included for semantic purposes. The X quality which typically appears as yo momma, is represented by the pronoun she instead. The primary clause which appears before the actual yo-momma joke references both the Y and Z qualities of the sentence. One must understand the popular slogan of the company in order for the joke to make sense (i.e. “It’s so easy, a caveman could do it.â€Â). Semantic narrowing is also imposed in (2), using the word easy to imply a certain level of non-difficulty in relation to sexual availability. Despite the added semantic information that exists prior to the clauses necessary for yo-momma humor, the “X is so Y that Z†formula is required in order for yo-momma jokes to take place. However, not all utterances that use this structure are considered humorous; many are simply scalar structures (Bergen & Binsted, 2003):
(3) (a) It was so cold where I live, we found dogs huddling for warmth.
(b) The film’s ending was so shocking that it physically hurt you.
One can assume that the syntactic elements found within yo-momma jokes are not central to the humorous utterances, though without these essential components, the joke would not even be allowed to exist.
Morpho-phonology
In addition to the syntactic structure being morphed to fit the constraints of yo-momma humor, morphology and phonology are both affected as well. In most constructions of yo-momma jokesâ€â€which rely on the “X is so Y that Z†formulaâ€â€both is and that are omitted. The first (is) seems to disappear due to the conjunction of is and so. Over time, the emphasis was most likely put upon so, causing elision to occur and the is to fade away. The omission of that occurred for the sake of combining the two clauses into one joke. Rather than using the complementizer, a speaker instead takes a pause, building suspense and allowing themselves to play upon surprise theory as seen below in (4a).
In terms of phonology, certain vowel phonemes are lengthened and strong emphasis is used in certain places to produce a particular way of speaking within the first clause, yo momma is so ____. Take for example the successful joke (4a) versus the unsuccessful joke (4b):
(4) (a) YÃ…Â momma sÃ…Â fat//she bought her bras at AutoZone.
(b) Your mother’s so nasty that she brought crabs to the beach.
In (4a), the sentence was spoken with the emphasis on the bolded morphemes. It is assumed that the first yo is emphasized and lengthened in order to draw attention to the fact that a new joke is beginning. The so is lengthened in order to imply that the mother has a great quantity of the Y quality, fat, which is then emphasized to signify the scale that will be used for the remainder of the joke. The speaker takes a pause between the first and the second clause, giving the audience time to assume what he might say, and allowing himself to take advantage of incongruity theory (Ross, 1998). The speaker in (4b), however, does not use any specific emphasis within his joke. He begins weakly by not placing phonological stress on yo, which marks the start of a new “snap,†and then omits stress on nasty, which is shown to be the relevant scalar system. Because the audience is not given the time to dwell on what the speaker might say, the joke loses its humorous appeal.
Within (4b), the speaker neglects to follow the expected omission of phonology and morphology, including unnecessary linguistic components for these types of jokes. The speaker also maintains the standard your mother rather than yo momma, or another variation, causing him to appear as if he does not know how to “play the Dozens†(Abrahams, 1962). Another fact worth mentioning involves the loss of the contracted is, as well as the present progressive –s and past tense –ed morphemes. For example, <she’s walking down the street> becomes <she walking down the street>; <she sits on an automatic toilet> becomes <she sit on an automatic toilet>; and <when I looked on her MySpace page> becomes <when I look on her MySpace page>. For the sake of simplifying sentence structure and improving the flow of speech, these morphemes often tend to disappear from most Z quality constructions.
Participants might also imitate the mother’s voice in order to increase the image being created within the joke. For example:
(5) (a) Yo momma so poor I asked her what’s for dinner, that b**** lit my pocket on fire, “Hot Pocket!â€Â
(b) Yo momma so fat and stupid when the judge says order in the court, she says, “Yeah, let me get a hamburger…â€Â
(c) Yo momma so stupid when she had you and saw the umbilical cord, she say, “Ooh it come with cable?â€Â
These jokes rely heavily upon the phonological use of imitation, rather than any semantic or syntactic structure. Only by enhancing the imagery of the mother do these jokes become humorous, and surprisingly all were perceived as highly successful.
Pragmatics
Bergen & Binsted (2003) claim that a major portion of the pragmatics used with the construction of yo-momma humor depends upon the knowledge of linguistic scalesâ€â€Ã¢â‚¬Å“a set of words of the same grammatical category which can be ordered by their semantic strength or degree of informativeness†(Horn, 1972; Levinson, 1983). Examples of such ordered words are:
{warm, hot, burning}
{dim, dark, pitch black}
{big, huge, colossal}
Within yo-momma humor, a scale of Y-ness is first identified (for example, poor) and the X quality is then placed high on the scale (...she can’t even afford to pay attention), with the full utterance reading as <Yo momma so poor she can’t even afford to pay attention>. One might view the scale of poor as {poor, bankrupt, homeless, etc.}, extending so far as to being unable pay for something that is always free. The greater the level of intensity that exists, the funnier the utterances appears to be. As the scale increases in intensity, the use of imagery is imposed for the sake of creating context-independent rankings (Bergen & Binsted, 2003). While these context-independent labels allow the jokes to be more creative, it tends to affect the scalar implicature that should exist. No longer can a linguistic scale be visualized; instead, interpretation of the punch line depends upon how funny the audience believes the hypothetical situation to be. Take for instance, the following successful (6a) and unsuccessful (6b) jokes:
(6) (a) Yo momma so fat, yo dad proposed to her with an onion ring.
(b) Yo momma so fat she got hit by a school bus and 23 kids died.
In (6a), the speaker makes use of semantic vagueness by expressing the idea of an engagement ring as an onion ring, which is not typically an item used for engagement. Additionally, the speaker takes advantage of fantastic hyperbole by assuming that the mother’s fingers are so large that she would need an onion ring in order for the ring to fit. This joke works on multiple layers by suggesting (1) that the mother loves food so much that she would actually prefer an onion ring to a diamond ring and (2) that she is so large that she requires a wrist-sized ring for her fingers. In (6b), imagery is again used, as it is commonly used within yo-momma jokes; however, no pragmatic or semantic tools are being used to enhance the quality of the joke. (6a) appears to be more humorous, not because it is on a higher scalar level than (6b), but because the image it produces is more humorous since it employs more semantic devices.
When analyzing the humor found within Yo Momma, certain Y qualities were found to be used more prevalently. All of the included terms were used by participants of the show: big, nasty, fat, sleazy, stupid, ugly, easy, black, poor, and lazy. The terms were then grouped into certain categories and the following chart was compiled to determine which Y qualities were used most frequently:
Y Categories Total References Successful (+) Average Unsuccessful (-)
Body size (fat, big, large, etc.) 15 8 2 5
Sexuality (easy, sleazy, nasty, etc.) 5 2 1 1
Intelligence (stupid, dumb, etc.) 6 2 2 2
Race (black, dark, etc.) 2 0 2 0
Miscellaneous (poor, lazy, ugly) 7 1 3 3
The chart shows that “body size†was the most referenced quality. Based on the use of scalar implicature, one can make the assumption that body size allows for the greatest linguistic expansion. A mother can be referred to as big, large, huge, ginormous; the list goes on. In terms of imagery and metaphor, body size has the greatest potential for visualization as size is an easily comparable measurement. The chart also shows “race†to be the least referenced quality. While a large scale system can be implemented to refer to levels of darkness, one might assume that jokes of this category were avoided because they could be seen as offensive rather than humorous. A few other qualities, not found within the show but worth noting, include: skinny, bald-headed, crazy, old, dark, short, hairy, slutty, greasy, teeth so yellow, glasses so thick, hair so nappy (Percelay, Dwek, & Ivey, 1994).
Pragmatically, the use of yo-momma humor also intentionally flouts the maxims proposed by Griceâ€â€quality, quantity, manner, and relevance (Aarons, 2012). Concerning quality, one can assume that the humorous utterances being made are completely untrue. Even if the mother is indeed overweight, poor, ugly, lazy, or any other insulting term, participants using this form of humor within conflict take advantage of hyperbole, understatement, and indirect relation to increase the hilarity of their “snap†(Bergen & Binsted, 2003). Abrahams (1962) claimed that the less true an utterance was, the more likely it was to be considered humorous. Because yo-momma jokes are not meant to be harmful, participants focus more on being creative rather than insulting the mother; in fact, those who do make serious claims within their jokes might create violent situations.
In terms of quantity, this maxim is the least flouted of the four, as a particular length of yo-momma humor has not formally been established. When a joke exceeds a particular amount of time while being told, it tends to lose its humorous appeal, causing participants of the Dozens to believe that short and fast snaps are best when playing against each other; however, lack of detail also carries less semantic meaning, often causing the joke to become less relatable. In instances where detail is omitted, contestants of Yo Momma often attempted to compensate by making particularly crude references that they hoped would elicit laughter. In most cases, these attempts were seen as uncreative and participants were then booed.
Concerning manner, pitch, stress, and syntax are often molded to fit the demands of this type of humor; however, the topic of manner is discussed in more detail within the morpho-phonology section of this paper. In addition to changes of speech, participants may also use non-verbal language when telling these jokes. For example, when telling his “final joke†on Yo Momma, a participant uttered the following:
(7) This dude’s momma so fat she got a rest in peace t-shirt for all her favorite foods.
He then proceeded to reveal the shirt underneath his jacket which displayed cartoon images of food, with eyes crossed out and tombstones behind their “bodies,†as if he had taken the shirt from the other contestant’s mother. While the joke would likely not be very humorous, the visual action included within the telling of the joke caused it to succeed among the listening community. While this aspect of yo-momma humor is non-linguistic, it seems notable as it often affected the audience reaction when certain jokes were told.
The final maxim, relevance, is flouted slightly, as most of the jokes do not logically follow others. Within one episode of the show, the following exchange took place:
(8) A: Yo momma so poor her checks bounce like basketballs.
B: Yo momma so lazy, she just like butter, easy to spread.
A: Yo momma so poor she was the leading lady in 50 Cent’s video, “Window Shopper.â€Â
B: This dude’s momma so lazy, her best friend’s a Chinese delivery guy.
While both speakers remained relevant to the Y qualities that they were separately portraying through their humor (A used poor consistently while B used lazy), neither speaker addressed the jokes of their opponent. However, the jokes were relevant in the fact that they all pertained to the mother.
Semantics
In terms of semantics, a variety of jokes will be discussed for the sake of determining which qualities cause a joke to be humorous, and which cause a joke to fail. Because each joke contains varying semantic information, not all thirty-four jokes will be discussed; instead, this section will focus upon a select few, and the remaining jokes can be found in the Appendix. In the following, (9) will contain successful jokes; (10) will contain unsuccessful jokes.
(9) (a) Yo momma so big, when she walking down the street, her stomach’s doing the Bankhead Bounce and her ass is doing the East Side Stomp.
(b) Yo momma so fat I told her I gotta new grill, she started pulling steaks outta her pocket.
(c) Yo momma so fat when I looked on her MySpace page, her top 8 was all her favorite restaurants.
All three jokes rely heavily upon the cultural knowledge that the audience holds. (9a) refers to two cultural phenomena, known primarily to the black community. The Bankhead Bounce was “a dance that originated in a neighborhood on the west side of Atlanta known as Bankheadâ€Â; and the East Side Stomp was “a walk used to ‘represent’ the eastside in which a person slowly picks up one foot, waggles and shakes it as if it is heavy, stomps the ground (with the heavy foot), and repeats with the other foot†(Peckham, 2005). The joke implies that the mother is so large that she can simultaneously perform two very different dances with two different parts of her body; and not only is able to accomplish this feat, but she is also in two different areas while performing them. (9b) assumes that the audience understands that a grill can refer to either (1) an instrument used for cooking or (2) a set of gold or silver teeth worn in one’s mouth. In order to find the joke humorous, one must understand the use of polysemy and the lexical ambiguity of the word grill. The joke implies that the mother cannot differentiate between the two terms and instead assumes what she would like to hear--that the grill in reference will be used for cooking foodâ€â€and because the mother is so overweight, she most likely carries food with her in convenient areas, such as her pockets. (9c) reaches a more general audience, as most people are familiar with MySpace, including those outside of the black community. One must understand that an individual’s top eight usually involves their best friends. The joke implies that the mother’s best friends are restaurants because she frequents them so often and perhaps enjoys their company over that of actual people.
When semantic intention is misunderstood, lost, or even absent from a joke, it suffers drastically when received by an audience.
(10) (a) Yo momma so stupid she measures height with a thermostat.
(b) Yo momma so stupid she thought she needed a degree to become a vegetarian.
In (10a), the speaker is attempting to make a stab at the mother’s intelligence level; however, it seems to fail. While it is understood that a thermostat tracks and sets temperature, the more appropriate word would have been thermometer, which actually measures temperature. Regardless of the speaker’s incorrect word usage, the joke does not contain any cultural references and lacks creativity within the imagery, causing the joke to fail. (10b) also lacks any cultural reference, and contains a weak semantic relationship. The speaker believes that the audience should be able to interpret the connection between a profession, such as veterinarian, and a lifestyle, such as vegetarian; however, considering that most professions do not end with the final –arian ending, the relationships does not appear to be very strong, causing the audience to lose sight of the connection that the speaker is attempting to convey. While believing that one needs a degree to become a vegetarian is “stupid,†the utterance is hardly funny.
II. Theoretical Perspective
Incongruity theory
Made famous by both Kant and Shopenhauer, the incongruity theory states that humor is perceived when the incongruity between a concept involved in a certain situation and the real objects thought to be in some relation to the concept are realized. In other words, the theory depends upon the expectations of an audience, and offers an unexpected twist. As Aristotle put it, “[t]he effect is produced even by jokes depending upon changes of the letters of a word; this too is a surprise. You find this in verse as well as in prose. The word which comes is not what the hearer imagined†(Smuts, 2009). According to the incongruity theory, the humorous aspect of jokes depends upon the realization of the resolution. In order for a joke to succeed, it must give the audience a change to ponder what the resolution might be. Only by surprising the listeners with an unanticipated punch line is humor achieved.
Within yo-momma humor, a rather large portion of the humor comes from the strong delivery of a joke within a heated situation. As discussed in the morpho-phonological section, a pause needs to exist between the first and second clause. This gives the audience an opportunity to ponder what the resolution might be. One might assume that players of the Dozens focus strongly upon particular Y qualities because they allow the listeners to assume the punch line(s) that they have heard in the past. While the audience contemplates the multiple ways that they expect the joke to go, the speaker surprises them with a new alternative, which then elicits laughter. It is through the resolution of incongruity that the audience finds the joke humorous.
In terms of a conflict setting, the incongruity theory allows for an increase in humor as the jokes continue. While one speaker may produce a joke referencing the size of the mother and succeed, the following player is given the opportunity to create an even bigger twist. The jokes possess the potential to build in hilarity until a non-humorous resolution is presented for an incongruity. Outside of a conflict theory, yo-momma humor still depends upon the incongruity theory as each joke contains the opportunity to separate the X and Y from the Z quality.
Relief theory
The relief theory focuses primarily on humor as a pragmatic tension-relief mechanism. The two most prominent theorists within this idea were Herbert Spencer and Sigmund Freud, as the theory deals with the essential structures and psychological processes that produce humor. Attardo (1994) states that relief theory (or as he describes it, release theory) is particularly interesting to linguists because it accounts for a liberation from the rules of language, and allow individual to use word-play outside the principle of Cooperation proposed by Grice.
In terms of yo-momma humor, Abrahams (1962) would believe that playing the Dozens serves as an important relief technique for children growing up within African-American communities. The tension that would typically be built up in youth is expressed through yo-momma jokes by means of targeting a fictional mother character, and expressing “liberation†by means of playing a game. The humorous aspect of these utterances occurs when in conflict with another individual, allowing both players to increasingly reduce the amount of tension that exists between themâ€â€assuming that they are friends already or have a mutual understanding of the gameâ€â€by continuing to challenge each other’s creative abilities. This lack of tension then draws forth laughter from the audience. Humor, according to relief theory, is used mainly to overcome sociocultural inhibitions (Attardo, 1994). In addition, Freud (1901) might argue that participants in this form of humor may comment on the negative qualities of one’s mother in order to reveal suppressed desires. By acknowledging this fact within a community and within conflict, relief is achieved and humor is obtained.
Conflict theory and superiority theory
Conflict theory, as described by Bergen & Binsted (2003), “hold that humor evokes two conflicting impulses - the impulse to proceed and the impulse to draw back. These may be more specifically the results of conflicts between feelings of friendliness and hostility or play and seriousness.†The other, superiority theory, appears in two forms according to Smuts (2009); the first maintaining that all humor involves a feeling of superiority, and the second that the feelings of superiority appear in many cases of humor. In a way, these two theories disagree with each other. Conflict theory states that humor arises from the mere play that exists between two individuals in an attempt to maintain a level of homeostasis; superiority theory finds humor not in the balance of conflict, but within the idea that one overcomes the other and can view oneself as superior.
Both theories, however, are seen within yo-momma humor. Unfortunately, in some hostile instances, these jokes are used in states of conflict. Humor arises when individuals realize that the pragmatic use of language is being implemented, not to insult, but to play a game. It is when that balance of conflict is uneven that jokes become rather unfunny. For example, if an individual takes the game too seriously while the other attempts to poke fun, the player who is acting with the intent to offend will appear to be non-humorous; whereas, the player who pokes fun will be seen as comical, and will likely have more subject material for future jokes. Superiority theory can arise from an unbalanced conflict, as one individual might be favored over the other. In many of the episode of Yo Momma, the community shown would not laugh at the jokes of a white person, regardless of how humorous they actually were. Instead, humor arose when the audience chose to favor one person over the other, and used their laughter to mock the less-funny white individual.
FUTURE RESEARCH
Suggestions for future research include analyzing a larger sample of jokes and focusing primarily upon a specific linguistic feature. Many notable aspects seemed to arise throughout the research; however, for the sake of this paper, all topics could not be discussed. A more elaborate discussion over phonology and the use of prosody might be interesting. Also, a more conductive study could be produced from someone who grew up within the African-American culture and took part in the Dozens, as they might understand the semantics of yo-momma humor better and be able to better analyze the pragmatic mechanisms used in these jokes.
Future research might also focus on creating a comprehensive theory of humor, as many theories tend to overlap when studying a particular genre of humorous language. In addition, linguistic topics (such as Grice’s maxims and other linguistic features) tend to merge when discussing particular elements of yo-momma humor. If certain aspects were contained and focused upon, a more detailed and comprehensive view of the subject could likely be produced.
The final point of research that one might suggest could consist of observing and recording the Dozens being played. While gathering jokes and responses from a television show was convenient, one runs the potential of editing bias and may misinterpret the audience reaction. Transcribing yo-momma jokes when used lived in conflict would aid the linguist in better understand the emotion, prosody, and non-verbal cues used within the game.
CONCLUSION
Many humorous features exist within yo-momma humor, and any exclusion of these features can cause the joke to be perceived as “unsuccessful.†The general requirements necessary to create successful yo-momma jokes include factors within varying linguistic categories. Within syntax, the joke must follow the “X is so Y that Z†construction. Little variation may occur, but only to add semantic meaning for the sake of humor. In terms of morphology, certain free morphemes such as is and that must be excluded, as well as verbal suffixes (–s and –ed) and most contractions. Phonology requires that tellers of yo-momma jokes lengthen most vowels within the primary clause, phonologically emphasize the crucial features of the joke construction (such as the X, yo momma, and Y, so ____ , qualities), and allow for a crucial pause between the first and second clause so that the audience may have time to form their own resolutions to the incongruity that exists. The process of imitation may also be used to enhance the creative imagine within the Z quality of the joke. Within pragmatics, yo-momma jokes require the individual to flout Grice’s maxims with the exception of quantity, use non-verbal actions to accompany jokes, and maintain creativity when referencing the scalar implicature of the Y quality. Finally, semantics dictates that the jokes be relatable to the culture in which they appear, allowing speakers to understand where they come from and make appropriate references to aspects of the African-American lifestyle.
In terms of theory, all three (incongruity, relief, and conflict) work together to create a unified view of humor that elicits laughter in multiple circumstances. Incongruity theory is present in yo-momma jokes as the audience attempts to resolve the given incongruity between the first and second clause. Relief theory states the jokes are made for the sake of relieving unwanted psychological tension, causing linguists to see the Dozens as an important linguistic and psychosocial speech act for African-Americans to experience. Conflict theory assumes that one must find balance amidst conflict, and through this balance, humor is achieved. When the balance is not achieved, superiority theory can be applied as one participant is seen as more humorous than the other.
In terms of what specifically causes yo-momma jokes to be humorous, no definite answer exists; however, many factors are certainly observable, and should continue to be observed within the cognitive linguistic field.
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